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Religiosity has been present in societies throughout history and several theories hold that religion serves to foster trust and a sense of community within the religious ingroup. In many societies today, it is not uncommon to lack religious beliefs and religion is no longer a natural part of everyday life. The studies included in this thesis investigated how religious groups perceive each other or how generous they are to each other, both in the more secular Sweden and in the more religious USA. Paper 1 examined Swedes’ perceptions of atheists and religious people. Specifically, how often they associated atheists or religious people with extreme immoral behaviour by making a conjunction error. Previous studies using the same methodological paradigm have found that more people associate atheists, rather than religious people, with immoral behaviour. We found no significant association between target (atheist or religious person) and conjunction errors, indicating that Swedes do not associate immoral behaviour with atheists to a greater degree than they associate immoral behaviour with religious people. We compared the results to those presented in a previous study and found that the Swedish participants in our study made significantly fewer conjunction errors when the target was an atheist than a sample from the USA. They also made significantly more conjunction errors when the target was a religious person than a Finnish sample and the American sample. The results suggests that anti-atheist bias is lower in Sweden compared to the USA, but anti-religious bias is higher than in both Finland and the USA. However, it is also possible that the type of sample used affected the results – we recruited participants from social media while the other two samples were solely or mainly student samples. The study shows that the clear anti-atheist bias found in similar studies is not universal. Paper 2 investigated Christians’ and atheists’ perceptions of Christian, Muslim, and atheist job applicants in four studies, two with Swedish samples (studies 1 and 3) and two with samples from the USA (studies 2 and 4). Participants rated the perceived competence and likeability of a target applicant (Christian, Muslim, or atheist) and a control applicant (with no information about religious affiliation). In the last two studies, participants also specified if they would have hired the target or control applicant. Participants generally rated the control applicant as being more competent (USA) and more likeable (Sweden and USA) than the target applicant. Both Christian and atheist participants rated targets with the same religious affiliation higher in likeability than targets from one or both religious outgroups in two of the studies. The only significant difference in competence ratings between the targets were in study 3, where Christians rated Muslims as less competent than Christians. However, Christians’ likeability ratings in study 3 did not differ between targets. More atheists in study 3 hired the control applicant than the Christian applicant, but no other group differed in which applicant they hired. In conclusion, when people perceived one religious group to be more likeable, it was their ingroup. However, these results do not translate to perceptions of competence and seldom to hiring decisions. Paper 3 investigated generosity toward religious ingroup and outgroup members in three studies conducted in Sweden (study 1), the USA (study 2), and Egypt and Lebanon (study 3), using an adapted Dictator Game. Participants allocated a sum of money between themselves and three potential recipients. In the most relevant round, these were a Christian, a Muslim, and an atheist. We found that in studies 1 and 2, there was no significant difference in overall generosity between religious people, agnostics, and atheists in the rounds where they did not know the religious affiliation of the recipients. In the round where they knew the affiliation of recipients, religious people gave significantly more than atheists (studies 1 and 2) and agnostics (study 2). Study 3 had too few agnostics and atheists to compare their generosity to that of religious people. Christians, Muslims, and atheists in all three studies gave significantly more money to their respective religious ingroups than to the outgroup that was given the largest amount. This ingroup generosity was found in the other rounds as well. However, the ingroup minus outgroup amount was larger in the religion round compared to most other rounds. The exceptions were the ideology round in study 1 and 2, which did not differ significantly from the religion round. In study 2, the difference between ingroup and outgroup generosity was larger for Muslim participants than for Christians and atheists. In conclusion, religious people seem to be more generous only when they know the religious affiliation of recipients, but atheists, Muslims, and Christians are all more generous toward religious ingroup members than toward outgroup members. The papers together show that religious affiliation is an important group category that affects perceived likeability and generosity in several contexts. Religiositet har funnits i samhällen genom hela historien och flera teorier hävdar att religion bidrar till att främja förtroende och en känsla av gemenskap inom den religiösa ingruppen. I många samhällen idag är det vanligt att sakna religiösa övertygelser och religion är inte längre en naturlig del av vardagslivet. Studierna som ingår i denna avhandling undersökte hur religiösa grupper uppfattar varandra eller hur generösa de är mot varandra, både i det mer sekulära Sverige och i det mer religiösa USA. Papper 1 undersökte svenskars uppfattningar om ateister och religiösa människor. Specifikt hur ofta de associerade ateister eller religiösa människor med extremt omoraliskt beteende genom att göra ett konjunktionsfel. Tidigare studier som använt samma metodologiska paradigm har funnit att fler människor associerar ateister, snarare än religiösa människor, med omoraliskt beteende. Vi fann ingen signifikant koppling mellan target (ateist eller religiös person) och konjunktionsfel, vilket indikerar att svenskar inte associerar omoraliskt beteende med ateister i högre grad än de associerar omoraliskt beteende med religiösa människor. Vi jämförde resultaten med de som presenterades i en tidigare studie och fann att de svenska deltagarna i vår studie gjorde signifikant färre konjunktionsfel när target var en ateist jämfört med ett amerikanskt urval. De gjorde också signifikant fler konjunktionsfel när target var en religiös person än ett finskt urval och det amerikanska urvalet. Resultaten tyder på att anti-ateistisk bias är lägre i Sverige jämfört med USA, men anti-religiös bias är högre än i både Finland och USA. Det är dock också möjligt att urvalet påverkade resultaten – vi rekryterade deltagare från sociala medier medan de andra två urvalen enbart eller främst var studenturval. Studien visar att den tydliga anti-ateistiska biasen som hittats i liknande studier inte är universell. Papper 2 undersökte kristnas och ateisters uppfattningar om kristna, muslimska och ateistiska jobbkandidater i fyra studier, två med svenska urval (studier 1 och 3) och två med urval från USA (studier 2 och 4). Deltagarna bedömde hur kompetenta och likeable de uppfattade en target-kandidat (kristen, muslim eller ateist) och en kontroll-kandidat (utan information om religiös tillhörighet). I de två sista studierna specificerade deltagarna även om de skulle ha anställt target- eller kontroll-kandidaten. Deltagarna bedömde generellt kontroll-kandidaten som mer kompetent (USA) och mer likeable (Sverige och USA) än target-kandidaten. Både kristna och ateistiska deltagare bedömde targets med samma religiösa tillhörighet högre i likeability än target från en av eller båda religiösa utgrupper i två av studierna. Den enda signifikanta skillnaden i kompetensbedömningar mellan targets var i studie 3, där kristna bedömde muslimer som mindre kompetenta än kristna. Kristnas likeabilitybedömningar skilde sig dock inte mellan targets i studie 3. Fler ateister i studie 3 anställde kontrollkandidaten än den kristna kandidaten, men ingen annan grupp skilde sig åt i vilken kandidat de anställde. Sammanfattningsvis, när människor uppfattade en religiös grupp som mer likeable, var det deras ingrupp. Dessa resultat leder dock inte till motsvarande skillnader i bedömningar av kompetens eller i anställningsbeslut. Papper 3 undersökte generositet mot religiösa ingrupps- och utgruppsmedlemmar i tre studier utförda i Sverige (studie 1), USA (studie 2) samt Egypten och Libanon (studie 3), med ett anpassat diktatorspel. Deltagarna fördelade en summa pengar mellan sig själva och tre potentiella mottagare. I den mest relevanta omgången var dessa en kristen, en muslim och en ateist. Vi fann att i studie 1 och 2 fanns det ingen signifikant skillnad i övergripande generositet mellan religiösa människor, agnostiker och ateister i de omgångar där de inte visste mottagarnas religiösa tillhörighet. I omgången där de kände till tillhörigheten gav religiösa personer signifikant mer än ateister (studie 1 och 2) och agnostiker (studie 2). Studie 3 hade för få agnostiker och ateister för att kunna jämföra deras generositet med den hos religiösa personer. Kristna, muslimer och ateister i alla tre studierna gav signifikant mer pengar till sina respektive religiösa ingrupper än till utgruppen som fick det största beloppet. Denna ingruppsgenerositet fanns också i de andra omgångarna. Skillnaden mellan ingrupps-och utgruppsgenerositet var dock större i religionomgången jämfört med de flesta andra omgångar. Undantagen var ideologiomgången i studie 1 och 2, som inte skilde sig signifikant från religionomgången. I studie 2 var skillnaden mellan ingrupps och utgruppsgenerositet större för muslimska deltagare än för kristna och ateister. Sammanfattningsvis verkar religiösa människor vara mer generösa endast när de vet mottagarnas religiösa tillhörighet, men ateister, muslimer och kristna är alla mer generösa mot medlemmar av den religiösa ingruppen än mot utgruppsmedlemmar. Papperna tillsammans visar att religiös tillhörighet är en viktig gruppkategori som påverkar uppfattad likeability och generositet i flera sammanhang.

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Perceptions of and behaviour toward religious people and atheists in Sweden and the USA
  • Author : Nathalie Hallin
  • Release : 14 May 2024
  • Publisher : Linköping University Electronic Press
  • ISBN : 9789180756846
  • Genre : Uncategoriezed
  • Total Page : 82 pages
  • Language : English
  • PDF File Size : 9,8 Mb

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